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[GUARANÍ] Tereg̃uaheporãite / [ES] Bienvenidos / [PT] Bem vindo / [FR] Bienvenue / [NL] Welkom

Everything to do with the USA's own Imperial Backyard. From hispanics to the originary peoples of the americas to the diasporas, South America to Central America, to the Caribbean to North America (yes, we're also there).

Post memes, art, articles, questions, anything you'd like as long as it's about Latin America. Try to tag your posts with the language used, check the tags used above for reference (and don't forget to put some lime and salt to it).

Here's a handy resource to understand some of the many, many colloquialisms we like to use across the region.

"But what about that latin american kid I've met in college who said that all the left has ever done in latin america has been bad?"

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Walter Rodney, born in Guyana on 22nd of march in 1942, Pan-African, Marxist intellectual who was assassinated by the Guyanese government in 1980 at 38 years old.

Rodney attended the University College of the West Indies in 1960 and was awarded a first class honors degree in History in 1963. He later earned a PhD in African History in 1966 at the School of Oriental and African Studies in London, England, at the age of 24.

Rodney traveled extensively and became well-known as an activist, scholar, and formidable orator. He taught at the University of Dar es Salaam in Tanzania from 1966-67 and 1969-1974, and in 1968 at his alma mater University of the West Indies.

On October 15th, 1968, the government of Jamaica declared Rodney a "persona non grata" and banned him from the country. Following his dismissal by the University of the West Indies, students and poor people in West Kingston protested, leading to the "Rodney Riots", which caused six deaths and millions of dollars in damages.

In 1972, Rodney published "How Europe Underdeveloped Africa". Historian Melissa Turner describes the work this way: "A brutal critique of long-standing and persistent exploitation of Africa by Western powers, How Europe Underdeveloped Africa remains a powerful, popular, and controversial work in which Rodney argued that the early period of African contact with Europe, including the slave trade, sowed the seeds for continued African economic underdevelopment and had dramatically negative social and political consequences as well. He argued that, while the roots of Africa’s ailments rested with intentional underdevelopment and exploitation under European capitalist and colonial systems, the only way for true liberation to take place was for Africans to become cognizant of their own complicity in this exploitation and to take back the power they gave up to the exploiters."

On June 13th, 1980, Rodney was killed in Georgetown, Guyana via a bomb given to him by Gregory Smith, a sergeant in the Guyana Defence Force, one month after returning Zimbabwe. In 2015, a "Commission of Inquiry" in Guyana that the country's then president, Linden Forbes Burnham, was complicit in his murder.

"If there is to be any proving of our humanity it must be through revolutionary means."

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Links To Resources (Aid and Theory):

Aid:

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the federal police recovered files called "Bolsonaro'sCertificate.doc" and "Laura'sCertificate.doc" and on a deposition that led to this discovery it seems it was so they could go to the us, when you guys were asking for that stuff for entry, which would be a bunch of crimes, from using public privelleged position in an public institution to commit crimes from good old falsifying documents

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TIL (hexbear.net)
submitted 1 year ago by RNAi@hexbear.net to c/latam@hexbear.net
 
 
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troops (maybe)

In a platitude-ridden joint statement, the sides said that they had cemented a process of joint collaboration in the exchange of information and management of the waterway:

“Our countries recognize the shared goals of ensuring efficient and transparent waterway port operations amid evolving environmental dynamics, including the realities of climate change and the need for enhanced security measures to combat illicit activities in waterway operations.”

Most importantly, the agreement allows for US military presence along the length and breadth of Argentina’s most important river route, upon which roughly 80% of all its agricultural exports, including grains and oils, travel.

...drug stuff

“We are going to ask the justice system for exceptional measures,” Bullrich said, “to meet the imposing challenges we face, to work against terrorist narco-criminals.”

After meeting with the Salvadorian president at a summit in Washington in February, Bullrich said the Milei government “is interested in adapting Nayib Bukele’s model,” which for the past few years has returned some sense of order to El Salavador’s streets. But in a telephone call with Bullrich last week, Bukele’s security minister, Gustavo Villatoro, warned that they are applying the model the wrong way round.

....about economy

Even the US economist Steve Hanke, an early supporter of Milei’s campaign and firm proponent of dollarisation of the Argentine economy, has described Milei’s policies as “financial engineering, kicking the can down the road and trying to put in place what really is just a plain vanilla standard IMF [International Monetary Fund] program.” On steroids. These programs, he said, “just don’t work and have a history of not working.” Which is true. Not only that, they also have a habit of visiting untold economic pain and destruction on the country’s poorer and middle classes.

Just as in 2001-02, public anger and desperation are rapidly rising in Argentina as economic conditions deteriorate. That anger could explode at any time. Which is why the government’s decision to adopt such a hardline security protocol so early into its mandate is so ominous. As the article in La Jornada notes, the term “terrorism” can, and often is, used to justify political and social repression, whether against political protestors, striking workers or indigenous Mapuche groups claiming historic land rights in Patagonia. No less ominous is the government’s decision to invite the US armed forces in to help manage Argentina’s busiest waterway.

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On the 13th of March in 1979, the People's Revolutionary Government (PRG) was proclaimed in Grenada after the Marxist-Leninist New Jewel Movement overthrew the state in a socialist revolution, with Maurice Bishop serving as Prime Minister.

After coming into power, Bishop stated the goals of the NJM: "We definitely have a stake in seeking the creation of a new international economic order which would assist in ensuring economic justice for the oppressed and exploited peoples of the world, and in ensuring that the resources of the sea are used for the benefit of all the people of the world and not for a tiny minority of profiteers".

The new government developed an ambitious social program, initiating a literacy campaign, expanding education programs, worker protections, and establishing farmers' cooperatives.

During the PRG's reign, unemployment was reduced from 49% to 14%, the ratio of doctors per person increased from 1/4000 to 1/3,000, the infant mortality rate was reduced, and the literacy rate increased from 85% to 90%. In addition, laws guaranteeing equal pay for equal work for women were passed, and mothers were guaranteed three months' maternity leave.

The government suspended the constitution of the previous regime, ruling by decree until a factional conflict broke out, ultimately leading to Maurice Bishop's assassination. President Ronald Reagan launched an invasion of Grenada a few weeks later, on October 25th, 1983.

"We have attempted to show in this Manifesto what is possible. We have demonstrated beyond doubt that there is no reason why we should continue to live in such poverty, misery, suffering, dependence and exploitation...The new society must not only speak of Democracy, but must practise it in all its aspects. We must stress the policy of 'Self-Reliance' and 'Self-Sufficiency' undertaken co-operatively, and reject the easy approaches offered by aid and foreign assistance. We will have to recognise that our most important resource is our people."

Megathreads and spaces to hang out:

reminders:

  • 💚 You nerds can join specific comms to see posts about all sorts of topics
  • 💙 Hexbear’s algorithm prioritizes comments over upbears
  • 💜 Sorting by new you nerd
  • 🌈 If you ever want to make your own megathread, you can reserve a spot here nerd
  • 🐶 Join the unofficial Hexbear-adjacent Mastodon instance toots.matapacos.dog

Links To Resources (Aid and Theory):

Aid:

Theory:

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Milei's sister ~~and alleged lover~~ used this March 8th day to rename the "Prominent Ladies Room" in Casa Rosada (argie white house) citing "discrimination against men".

That room hosted paintings and memorabilia of important women in argie history. Now the room os called "Historic Heroes Room" and will host paintings and stuff from both sexes.

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deeper-sadness wouldn't call it more polarized than ever (jacobin cmon), but seems like a not good situation tbh.

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Our research on children migrating from the United States to Mexico began 25 years ago in the state of Georgia. There, we were observing the integration of Mexican-origin families and their children into local communities and school districts. As part of our fieldwork, we talked with school principals about these children. And they would often respond: “those students disappear.”

Where did these children go? Seven years later, we continued our research in schools in Mexico — and the “disappeared” children reappeared. Children who had lived in California, Colorado, Florida, Minnesota, Oklahoma, North Dakota, South Carolina, Alabama, Illinois, Ohio, Washington, Kansas, Louisiana, Michigan, Nebraska, Georgia, Indiana, Texas, Tennessee, Oregon, Kentucky, New York, and Massachusetts were found in schools in Nuevo León in 2004; then many more in Zacatecas (2005), in the state of Puebla (2009), in Jalisco (2010), and in the state of Morelos (2013).

A significant percentage of these children were born in the United States. The rest were born in Mexico, migrated to the United States, and then returned while still school age. They are all international migrants. Many underwent an atypical relocation, from a historically migrant-receiving country (United States) to a traditionally migrant-sending country (Mexico). The others, those born in Mexico, are return migrants.

read more: https://www.counterpunch.org/2024/02/28/the-untold-story-of-children-moving-from-the-united-states-to-mexico/

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Cuban-American writer and organizer will be interviewed by The Indy’s Editor-in-Chief John Tarleton on Tuesday, March 5 starting at 7 p.m.


Cuban-American writer Danny Valdes penned an epic cover article for the February Indypendent about returning to his homeland for the first time. Traveling as a member of an international delegation, Valdes, a socialist organizer, had access to top Cuban leaders as well doctors, educators, community leaders and others doing the day-to-day work of building and sustaining a socialist system.

“What I … saw in Cuba,” Valdes writes, “was a vibrant culture of solidarity, a people of incredible warmth and resilience, a government that was trying and failing in significant ways to cope with modern realities, and yet a government that was trying.”

For Valdes, the journey was also deeply personal as he sought to reconnect with and understand the history of family members who had been persecuted by the Cuban government and fled to Miami more than a half-century earlier.

On Tuesday March 5, we’ll host a Zoom discussion with Danny and learn more about what he saw and what the future may hold for the Western Hemisphere’s only socialist state. He will be interviewed by Indypendent Editor-in-Chief John Tarleton and take audience questions. This wide-ranging interview will offer a window not only into contemporary Cuba, but will invite us to reflect more deeply on the joys and the challenges of joining up with others to create a more just society, the personal sacrifices that political movements require and to what extent ends can justify means.

To register, click here. We will send you the Zoom link when we get closer to the event.

link: https://indypendent.org/2024/02/indy-to-host-cuba-conversation-with-danny-valdes-on-tuesday-march-5/

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[redacted]

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Centuries go by but petty burshwá are always the same

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President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva’s administration brought high hopes of reversing devastating environmental destruction. Will a new fossil fuel boom undermine promises for change?


With record-setting fires in the Amazon dominating headlines in recent years, the global environmental imaginary of Brazil often brings up scenes of deforestation, threats of tremendous biodiversity loss, and violent displacement driven by the cattle, forestry, and agribusiness industries. Now, on the heels of a wave of oil industry privatizations, pressure has mounted around the question of oil extraction in the Amazon. While deforestation often tops the national and international agenda, less present is the question of air pollution from the country’s oil, gas, and coal industries.

Care for the environment, however, seems to be part of Brazil’s social fabric, or what brings a lot of people together. In January 2023, President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva returned to power on a platform of socioeconomic change and environmental protection. His appointments of Marina Silva to head the Ministry of Environment and Climate Change and Sônia Guajajara to lead the new Ministry of Indigenous Peoples were especially promising.

But a strong governmental commitment to environmental issues has been lacking. Lula has faced strong criticism for his lack of firm opposition to congressional moves that diluted the powers of both ministries, stripping them of tools to protect water resources, prevent land grabbing, and slow deforestation.

Brazil’s oil production increased in 2022 to 3 million barrels per day, mostly from its deep-water offshore pre-salt oil fields. The energy minister recently announced a projected goal of producing 5.4 million barrels per day by 2029, which would elevate Brazil to being the fourth largest oil producer in the world and lock the country into a carbon-intensive energy model. Giant corporations like Total, Equinor, and Petronas are already reaping the profits. On December 13, the day after the COP28 climate summit ended, the Brazilian National Petroleum Agency (ANP) auctioned drilling rights to 602 exploration areas, several in buffer zones of protected areas in the Amazon that would impact Indigenous and quilombola territories. The state oil company Petrobras—despite being discredited in a sweeping corruption scandal that played out between about 2014 and 2018—is now suddenly positioned to become a major corporate player regionally and globally.

read more: https://nacla.org/brazil-crossroads-oil-gas

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For a small farmer in Rio de Janeiro state, a private port catering to the fossil fuel industry has brought a decade-long struggle to remain on the land.


For several years, residents and small farmers in the Port of Açu region in northern Rio de Janeiro have been resisting the forced expropriation of their land. The small farmers note that only 10 percent of the land taken for the construction of the Port of Açu Industrial Complex is currently in use. They are also fighting for the company behind the port, Prumo Logística, to allow artisanal fishers to regain access to the Caruaru Reserve, which, due to the port’s expansion, ended up inside the Industrial Complex.

The Port of Açu was conceived in 2007 by EBX Group, an infrastructure conglomerate owned by businessman Eike Batista. During the company's financial crisis in 2013, EBX sold the project to the U.S.-based investment firm EIG Global Energy Partners. EIG controls the Brazilian holding company Prumo Logística, which now manages the Port of Açu. The port is strategically located for the oil and gas industry, as it is close to the Campos and Espírito Santo basins, both of which are sites of extensive offshore production.

According to the Port of Açu’s website, 30 percent of the country's oil exports pass through the port, which is also hosts the world's largest offshore support hub—with companies such as BP Marine, Vibra Energia, and Vast Infraestrutura operating servicing contracts with Shell, Total Energies, Petrobras, Equinor, and other companies. The port is also home to two combined-cycle thermoelectric power plants, GNA I and II, owned by Gas Natural Açu, and the private iron-ore mining terminal that serves the multinational company Anglo-American, the world’s largest producer of platinum.

Dona Noêmia Magalhães is a rural producer and representative of small farmers in the fifth district of São João da Barra in Rio de Janeiro and an active participant in the resistance against the port. She has recently received the Tiradentes Medal award, the highest honor given out by the state Legislative Assembly to those who serve the common good. In this interview, she discusses the port’s impacts on the community and her struggle to remain on the land and produce food, despite having suffered threats against her life as a result of her organizing.

I spoke with Magalhães over Zoom on October 6, 2023. Our conversation has been lightly edited for length and clarity.

read more: https://nacla.org/oil-few-brazil-export-ports

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Felipe Gálvez's award-winning film Los Colonos delves into Chile’s brutal settler-colonial past, exposing the consequences of cultural extermination and resonating with Latin America's contemporary Indigenous struggles.


A t the southernmost tip of Earth, in the deepest Patagonian wilderness, Scottish lieutenant Alexander MacLennan (Mark Stanley) and his men navigate the vast unhospitable landscape at the behest of wealthy, Spanish landowner José Menéndez (Alfredo Castro). It’s 1893 and the reformist Chilean state is imposing its authority thousands of miles away from the modernized capital, Santiago de Chile. Governmental policy—to roll out agricultural development across the nation and stimulate the development of its furthest territories—has prompted a mass giveaway of land to Europeans willing to emigrate and bring their skills to the country.

Los Colonos, or The Settlers in English, directed by Felipe Gálvez Haberle, tells the story of the sociopolitical conflicts that emerged in the Patagonia during the mid-1850s as European settlers began arriving in large numbers. A small crew, led by Lieutenant MacLennan (Stanley) and Texan rancher Bill (Benjamin Westfall) who can “smell a Native a mile away,” has been hired to delineate a route for the livestock on the land gifted to Menéndez by the Chilean government. This seemingly simple task is met with fierce resistance by the land’s original inhabitants, the Selk’nam people. The men soon realize what is truly at stake and what the mission will involve.

MacLennan, an ambitious man hired for his military experience, needs a sharpshooter fast enough to react to the ambushes hampering his work. Segundo (Camilo Arancibia), a mestizo local that has been captured and forced to work for the men, has all the skills MacLennan is looking for: an ability to communicate with the Indigenous locals and superb gun capabilities. After a selection process in which Segundo’s outstanding marksman skills outshines the other candidates, MacLennan orders Segundo to join him and ranger Bill on their assignment for Menéndez. They force Segundo into betraying his own people and assist in the repartition of his own ancestral land, a task that leads him to wrestle with his own conscious when forced to carry out the most heinous acts of violence.

read more: https://nacla.org/the-settlers-los-colonos-necessary-anatomy-genocide

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