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Everything to do with the USA's own Imperial Backyard. From hispanics to the originary peoples of the americas to the diasporas, South America to Central America, to the Caribbean to North America (yes, we're also there).
Post memes, art, articles, questions, anything you'd like as long as it's about Latin America. Try to tag your posts with the language used, check the tags used above for reference (and don't forget to put some lime and salt to it).
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"On the eve of the 65th anniversary of the Cuban Revolution, its political leadership, its communist militancy, its patriotic and revolutionary sons and daughters, we are summoned to act together for a common goal: to save the Homeland, the Revolution, socialism, and to win," said Díaz-Canel, at the conclusion of the 7th Plenary Session of the Party's Central Committee
To rediscover the "mythical breath" of the Revolution, and from it to rise up; to rediscover the paths of legend and heroism that made us live episodes such as those of Girón, or the fight against bandits; to immerse ourselves in the epic of a maelstrom that because of its humanity deserves to be told, sung, and of course to continue to be done.
The First Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party and President of the Republic of Cuba, Miguel Díaz-Canel Bermúdez, summoned us to this beautiful task when he closed the 7th Plenary Session of the Central Committee of the Party on Saturday.
Let's develop the productive forces and also the spiritual forces of the Revolution, said the Head of State, who also defined that this is the way to strengthen the pride of being Cuban men and women.
The President dedicated his first words to the projection of the largest of the Antilles in the international arena, especially this year. He highlighted "the strength of the Cuban Revolution's foreign policy", sustained, essentially, in the heroism of the people and with strong roots in the performance and legacy of Commander-in-Chief Fidel Castro Ruz.
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‘They violated our rights’: Chile’s draft constitution fails women, say activists
(www.theguardian.com)
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The Salvadoran Civil War was fought between the military-led junta government of El Salvador and the Farabundo Martí National Liberation Front (FMLN) (a coalition of left-wing groups) from 15 October 1979 to 16 January 1992. A coup on October 15, 1979, was followed by killings of anti-coup protesters by the government and of anti-disorder protesters by the guerrillas, and is widely seen as the start of civil war.
The fully-fledged civil war lasted for more than 12 years and included the deliberate terrorizing and targeting of civilians by US-trained government death squads including prominent clergy from the Catholic Church, the recruitment of child soldiers and other human rights violations, by the military. An unknown number of people disappeared while the UN reports that the war killed more than 75,000 people between 1979 and 1992.
During the Carter and Reagan administrations, the US provided 1–2 million dollars per day in economic aid to the Salvadoran government and by 1984, 1 billion dollars had been given. The US also provided significant training and equipment to the military. The Salvadoran government was considered "friendly" and an ally by the U.S. in the context of the Cold War. In May 1983, it was reported that US military officers were working within the Salvadoran High Command and making important decisions.
Counterinsurgency tactics implemented often targeted civilians with the United Nations estimating that the FMLN guerrillas were responsible for 5% of the acts of violence of civilians during the civil war, while 85% were committed by the Salvadoran armed forces and death squads.
The war ended in 1992 when the combatants of the Farabundo Martí National Liberation Front (FMLN), made up of five leftist groups, and the right-wing government of then-President Alfredo Cristiani, signed the Peace Accords on January 16, 1992 in Chapultepec. , Mexico, which ensured political and military reforms, but did not deepen the social or economic aspects, definitively postponing any improvement or progress on both issues.
Farabundo Martí Front for National Liberation
It was founded on October 10, 1980 by the Popular Liberation Forces "Farabundo Martí" (FPL), the People's Revolutionary Army (ERP), the National Resistance (RN), the Central American Workers' Revolutionary Party (PRTC) and the Salvadoran Communist Party (PCS). There was several antecedents of guerrilla unity with the FMLN.
The first weighty action of the FMLN was the launching, on January 10, 1981, of a final offensive against the Salvadoran civic-military dictatorship, made up of the so-called "Revolutionary" Government Junta, an alliance of military and civilians that It lasted from October 1979 to early 1982, in three stages. The offensive did not achieve its objective and - although along with it the height of the mass struggle that the country was experiencing disappeared - the FMLN was strengthened militarily and conducted the war, from the side of the left, until the signing of the Accords of Peace of January 1992.
The FMLN took its name from the communist leader Farabundo Martí (shot in the peasant uprising of 1932 by the National Police led by Osmín Aguirre Salinas during the dictatorship of General Maximiliano Hernández Martínez), delegate of the Socorro Rojo Internacional, and one of the organizers of the Peasant and indigenous insurrection of 1932. The uprising was controlled by the National Guard, a body of internal repression created in 1912, under the dictatorship of General Maximiliano Hernández Martínez. During repression operations, thousands of peasants and indigenous people were shot.
El Mozote Massacre (1981)
Content Warning: SA and Violence
On December 11th in 1981, the El Mozote Massacre took place in El Salvador when U.S. trained Salvadoran soldiers massacred 800-1200 villagers, raping and murdering children. The American reporters who broke the story were heavily criticized.
The massacre was carried out by units of the Salvadoran army's Atlacatl Battalion, which was created in 1980 at the U.S. Army's School of the Americas. 477 of the victims were under the age of 12.
Soldiers separated the population of el Mozote into men, women, and children, and began by torturing and executing the men. Girls as young as 10 were raped, and they murdered the children by cutting their throats and hanging them from trees. At least one child killed in this way was reportedly two years old.
Rufina Amaya (1943 - 2007) was the sole survivor of the violence. Amaya, hiding in a tree, watched as soldiers decapitated her husband and slaughtered her children, the youngest of whom was eight months old.
New York Times and Washington Post reporters, taking testimony from Amaya, broke the story in early 1982 and were heavily criticized. Both the U.S. and Salvadoran governments downplayed or outright denied the incident.
Officials from the Reagan administration called the accusations "gross exaggerations" and, as late as 2001, U.S. official Elliott Abrams said that Washington's policy in El Salvador from that period was a "fabulous achievement."
In December 2011, the government of El Salvador formally apologized for the massacre.
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Deforestation falls for 8th straight month in the Amazon rainforest, but rises in the cerrado
(news.mongabay.com)
- Deforestation in the Brazilian Amazon has decreased for the eighth consecutive month, but damage is rising in the cerrado, a tropical woody grassland that’s adjacent to Earth’s largest rainforest.
- According to data released today by Brazil’s National Space Research Institute (INPE), forest clearing in November totaled 201 square kilometers, bringing the cumulative loss for the past 12 months to 5,206 square kilometers – 51% less than last year. The decline in deforestation has persisted despite one of the most severe droughts ever recorded in the Amazon.
- However, while deforestation in the Amazon rainforest has decreased, it has reached the highest level in at least five years in the cerrado.
Deforestation in the Brazilian Amazon has decreased for the eighth consecutive month, despite the region being affected by a severe drought.
According to the latest data from Brazil’s National Space Research Institute (INPE), forest clearing in November totaled 201 square kilometers. This brings the cumulative loss for the past twelve months in Earth’s largest rainforest to 5,206 square kilometers, which is 51% less than the figure recorded during the same period last year.
Since January 2023, deforestation has reached 4,977 square kilometers, marking a 50% reduction compared to last year’s data.
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Palmares, or Quilombo dos Palmares, was a settlement of fugitive slaves established gradually from the early 1600s to 1694, about 60k inland from the northeast coast of Brazil around the regions of Pernambuco and Alagoas. Estimates indicated that 10,000 to 20,000 fugitive slaves, native Brazilians, and various outcast groups (such as Jews and Muslims) inhabited Palmares throughout the period.
Portuguese colonization, particularly from 1570, brought sugar cane plantations to the northeast coast of Brazil, utilizing, as labor, enslaved Africans and native peoples. Some of the slaves and native Americans resisted and established small settlements or quilombos in the area of Pernambuco, where palm trees abounded (thus the name Palmares).
Illustrative of its complexity, Quilombo dos Palmares in 1640 was described as comprising several separate settlements which pledged their loyalty to one leader (chief). Two of the settlements were mostly of Indigenous origin (Subupira e Tabocas); one of the Portuguese colonists who joined the quilombo (Amaro), and seven Bantos, that is, settlements of fugitive slaves (Andalaquituche, Macaco, Aqualtene, Ambrabanga, Tabocas, Zumbi, Arotiene). With its capital in Macaco, Palmares possessed a complex social structure, replicating, in many instances, African political systems.
When the Portuguese lost control of the region to the Dutch in the 1630s, the new colonial rulers continued the military campaign of the earlier Portuguese to bring Palmares under control. They were no more successful than their predecessors, and the quilombo continued to grow. In 1654, when Portugal regained control of the area, it resumed its attempts to conquer Palmares.
Portuguese military forces and mill owners in the region attempted to regain control over the quilombo for the next forty years. Ganga-Zumba, the Palmares chief during the latter part of this period, tried to negotiate an agreement with the Portuguese where the quilombo would no longer accept fugitive slaves or fight the Portuguese in exchange for permanent recognition of their land and freedom for those born in Palmares. However, Zumbi, the settlement’s military leader, chose resistance to the Portuguese. The Portuguese never accepted Ganga-Zumbi’s proposal and continued to attack the quilombo. Finally, in 1694, Palmares was conquered and destroyed by a military force under the command of Domingos Jorge Velho. Zumbi was killed one year later in 1695.
Palmares was a multifaceted quasi-state that lasted for most of the 17th Century, resisting attack by two European powers. Known for challenging Dutch and Portuguese sovereignty in Brazil, Palmares was a symbol of resistance to colonialism and the possibility of multicultural coexistence.
However, the destruction of Palmares failed to stem the emergence of hundreds, perhaps thousands of smaller quilombos throughout Brazil. Nor did it prevent countless other acts of resistance that undermined planter domination even after the abolition of slavery in 1888. Cheney describes how the legend of the Quilombo dos Palmares inspired a 1988 constitutional amendment that extended land rights to the descendants of fugitive slaves. Thousands of “modern quilombos” have petitioned for government recognition while organizing mass movement in the countryside that has won concessions from local landowners and pressured elected officials to implement affirmative action policies in other areas. In 2015, the specter of Palmares looms large over Brazil.
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- Former fighters in the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) are working to restore the Colombian Amazon through a cooperative called Comuccom.
- Their goal, despite ongoing conflicts and danger, is to plant 1 million native trees to counteract deforestation from illegal mining, logging, ranching and coca cultivation.
- Those involved in the effort, many of whom were just children when they joined FARC, have already planted 125,000 trees; another 250,000 trees are ready in their cooperative nursery.
PUERTO GUZMÁN, Putumayo, Colombia — Duberney López Martinéz was only 13 when he joined the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) in 2003. “Since I can remember, my family has always been involved in insurgent movements,” he says. “At 13, I ran away from a coercive father at home, and a friend invited me to join the FARC in the Putumayo selva. I … decided to join after seeing a group of boys my age killed and cut up by paramilitary at a checkpoint.”
Today, Duberney, 33, lives with his wife and young son after spending more than a decade fighting in the FARC 32nd Front and two years in jail. In 2017, after being released, as part of his reintegration into society after the ceasefire, Duberney got involved in the ecological restoration of the Colombian Amazon. He and another 23 ex-FARC members are promoting the ecological restoration of the Colombian Amazon as part of the Communitarian Multiactive Cooperative of the Common (Comuccom) located a few kilometers from Puerto Guzmán, in southwest Colombia on the border with Ecuador.
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Jacobo Árbenz, born on this day in 1913, was a Guatemalan President who earned the ire of the United Fruit Company, the largest private landowner in the country, by instituting widespread land reforms. He was ousted in a U.S-backed coup in 1954.
Árbenz served as the Minister of National Defense from 1944 to 1951 and the second democratically elected President of Guatemala from 1951 to 1954. He was a major figure in the ten-year Guatemalan Revolution, which represented some of the few years of representative democracy in Guatemalan history.
Árbenz instituted many popular reforms, including an expanded right to vote, the right of workers to organize, legitimizing political parties, and allowing public debate.
The centerpiece of Árbenz' policy was an agrarian reform law, under which uncultivated portions of large land-holdings were expropriated in return for compensation and redistributed to poverty-stricken agricultural laborers. Approximately 500,000 people benefited from the decree, the majority of them indigenous people whose forebears had been dispossessed after the Spanish invasion.
Opposition to these policies led the United Fruit Company to lobby the U.S. government to have him overthrown. The U.S. was also concerned by the presence of communists in the Guatemalan government, and Árbenz was ousted in a coup d'état engineered by the U.S. government on June 27th, 1954.
"Our only crime consisted of decreeing our own laws and applying them to all without exception. Our crime is having enacted an agrarian reform which effected the interests of the United Fruit Company. Our crime is wanting to have our own route to the Atlantic, our own electric power and our own docks and ports. Our crime is our patriotic wish to advance, to progress, to win economic independence to match our political independence. We are condemned because we have given our peasant population land and rights."
- Jacobo Árbenz
Jacobo Árbenz, “Árbenz’s Resignation Speech” (1954)
Bitter Fruit: The Story of the American Coup in Guatemala by Stephen Kinzer
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now all fediverse discussion will be considered a current struggle session discussion and all comment about it are subject to be removed and even banning from the comm.
have all of you a good day/night 
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The Demerara Rebellion of 1823 was an uprising involving more than ten thousand enslaved people in the Crown colony of Demerara-Essequibo (now part of Guyana) on the coast of South America. The rebellion took place on August 18, 1823, and lasted two days. No particular incident sparked the rebellion; the enslaved simply grew tired of their servitude and sought to resist in the most direct way they could.
Planning for the rebellion began on August 17, 1823, at Plantation Success, one of the largest estates in the area. Two leaders emerged during the planning period: Jack Gladstone, a cooper on Plantation Success, and his father, Quamina, a senior deacon at a church led by English Protestant missionary, John Smith. Gladstone and others planned the uprising, but Quamina objected to any bloodshed and suggested instead that the enslaved should go on strike. Quamina and other leaders visited John Smith, informing him of his son’s plans. Smith urged the enslaved to remain peaceful, exercise patience, and wait for new laws that would reduce their suffering. Quamina carried Smith’s message back to the plantations.
Quamina’s call to remain peaceful fell on deaf ears. The enslaved on Plantation Success rebelled the next evening, August 18, 1823, and attempted to seize all firearms on the plantation. They locked up the whites during the night, planning to release them when their demands were met. They did not see their rebellion as a challenge to slavery itself but demanded better treatment for enslaved people in Demerara-Essequibo.
Most of the enslaved remained loyal to their masters. An enslaved house servant, Joseph Packwood, told his owner, John Simpson, about the planned revolt before it began. Simpson, in turn, informed Governor John Murray, who rode out to confront the rebels with the militia. The enslaved demanded their rights, but Governor Murray ordered them to return to their plantations. When they refused, he declared martial law. Some returned to the plantations while others participated in the rebellion.
Only a handful of whites were killed during the Demerara Rebellion. The rebels locked up owners, managers, and overseers on thirty-seven plantations, who did not flee to Georgetown, the colonial capital, when the rebellion began. Large numbers of Christian slaves refused to rebel and helped suppress those who rose up.
Other enslaved people confronted their owners and the military forces sent against them. On Bachelor’s Adventure Plantation, approximately two thousand enslaved people confronted Lieutenant Colonel John Leahy and his militia. When the enslaved refused Leahy’s order to disperse, he commanded his troops to fire into the crowd. Approximately two hundred people were killed.
Although the rebellion ended on Tuesday, August 19, the punishment that came afterward was severe. Hundreds of rebels were hunted down and killed, including two hundred who were beheaded as a warning to other enslaved people. Fourteen rebels were hastily tried and sentenced to be hanged. Governor Murray commuted their sentences and had them deported elsewhere in Caribbean. Jack Gladstone was deported to St. Lucia. His father, Quamina, who had argued against the revolt, was tracked down by dogs and Indians and killed in September 1823.
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(Salvador Allende Gossens; Valparaíso, 1908 - Santiago de Chile, 1973) Chilean politician, leader of the Socialist Party, of which he was also co-founder in 1933. He was president of Chile from 1970 until the coup d'état led by General Augusto Pinochet on September 11, 1973, the day he died in the Moneda Palace, which was bombed by the coup plotters.
Salvador Allende belonged to a well-to-do middle-class family. He studied medicine and, since his university days, he was part of leftist groups. Later, he alternated his dedication to politics with his professional practice. He participated in the parliamentary election of 1937, and was elected deputy for Valparaíso. He was Minister of Health in Pedro Aguirre Cerda's cabinet between 1939 and 1942. From then on he became the undisputed leader of the socialist party.
In 1952, 1958 and 1962 he ran for the presidential elections. On the first occasion he was temporarily expelled from the party for accepting the support of the communists, who had been outlawed, and came in fourth place. In 1958, with socialist and communist support, he came in second place behind Jorge Alessandri. In the third the result of the presidential elections of September 4, 1964 was clear and definitive with he victory of Eduardo Frei
In parallel with the advance of important social measures, the political panorama during the Frei Montalva administration was one of increasing polarization, even within the Christian Democrat Party, which suffered important divisions, as well as the detachment of sectors of its youth towards positions more closely linked to the left. Finally, the 1969 parliamentary elections showed the new political situation of the country, as their results pointed to the emergence of irreconcilable thirds, largely due to the decrease in support for the political center and the strengthening of left and right-wing options.
This situation was most clearly reflected in the 1970 presidential elections, marked by the confrontation of antagonistic and impossible to reconcile social projects. The alliance of communists, socialists, sectors of radicalism and the MAPU in the called Popular Unity, headed by Allende, was victorious with 36.3% of the votes. The narrow margin of difference with the votes received by the other two candidates, Jorge Alessandri for the right wing and Radomiro Tomic for the Christian Democracy, forced Allende's election to be ratified by the congress, where he faced strong opposition. Finally, on October 24, 1970, after obtaining the support of the Christian Democratic Party with the signing of a Statute of Democratic Guarantees that would be incorporated into the constitutional text, Salvador Allende was proclaimed president.
Allende's presidency
From the date of the beginning of the mandate (November 3), the difficulties that the new government had to face were immense. Even before the presidential inauguration, attempts were made to abort the process, the most serious of which ended with the assassination by an ultra-right-wing commando supported by the CIA of the Commander-in-Chief of the Army, General René Schneider, who was a strong supporter of the subordination of military power to civilian power.
In spite of this, the Popular Unity, once in government, undertook the implementation of its plan of action, which emphasized the deepening of the reformist measures initiated by the previous administration. Thus, the volume of expropriated lands was increased and the socialization of important enterprises, until then in private hands, was initiated, which were then managed by workers' cooperatives advised by pro-government officials. In addition, the nationalization of copper was carried out, without payment of indemnities to the North American companies, which meant a confrontation with the United States, which from that moment on openly supported the groups opposed to the socialist government.
In spite of this rigid opposition, Allende's government enjoyed significant support from the citizenry, particularly from the popular sectors, which benefited directly. In effect, the State subsidized a large part of the basic services, in addition to supporting organizations of workers, peasants and urban dwellers in their demands for participation.
This support for Allende's presidency was clearly demonstrated in the parliamentary elections of 1971 and the municipal elections of 1973, in which the Popular Unity parties increased the number of votes. Along with this, the political discourse of the leftist parties became increasingly radical, while the open confrontation with opposition groups became a reality in the streets and indicated a situation of class struggle in their eyes inevitable.
Actions of groups such as the MIR and sectors of the Socialist Party confirmed this diagnosis, considering urgent the creation and strengthening of "Popular Power" instances that would be alternatives to the narrow frameworks that the institutional framework prefixed for a possible construction of a socialist society. This attempt, known as the "Chilean Way to Socialism", received the interest and support of sectors from all over the world, particularly from the Soviet Bloc, Cuba and the Non-Aligned Countries, which translated into the sending of material aid and industrial advisors.
Despite all this, a series of problems further polarized Chilean society under Allende's presidency, largely due to economic causes. Inflation became uncontrollable, since salary increases and State expenditures were financed with the issuance of money without a basis in production, which was diminished and contracted as a consequence of the blockade initiated by the United States and the permanent conflict that many companies were experiencing, in virtual permanent paralysis due to the lack of resources.
This climate of shortages and crisis, encouraged by the different political sectors, resulted in numerous mobilizations in favor and against the Allende government, the most important of which was the stoppage of the El Teniente copper deposit, together with the strike of the transport workers' unions, which practically paralyzed the movement of goods from one point to another in the country. In addition to this, there were conflicts in the university and professional associations (mainly doctors and teachers), which created a deep division in all areas of national life.
Faced with such a situation, the President decided to take, already in 1973, measures that would serve as vehicles for dialogue and negotiation with the Christian Democrat opposition, such as the entry of important military figures to the cabinet, represented by the Commander in Chief, General Carlos Prats, and the offer to hold a plebiscite to consult the citizens on the continuity of the regime or the call for new elections. These measures were followed by a hardening of the most radical positions of the left, which proposed to the President the closing of Congress and the use of Extraordinary Powers to govern.
The right wing and some sectors of Christian Democracy considered the situation unsolvable, so they decided, more or less openly, to resort to the military coup d'état against President Allende. In June 1973 there was a first coup attempt, known as "El Tancazo": an armored regiment in the capital rose up against the government, but the loyal forces, headed by Prats, managed to dominate the situation.
Finally, on September 11, 1973, General Augusto Pinochet led a military coup, during which he bombed the Moneda Palace, the seat of government. President Allende refused the demands of surrender and died in the presidential palace. In 1990 his body was exhumed from the anonymous grave in which he was buried, and received a formal and public burial in Santiago.
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Ernesto "Che" Guevara "Hasta la victoria siempre" - General Megathread for the 14th of June 2023
(hexbear.net)
(Rosario, Argentina, 1928 - Higueras, Bolivia, 1967) Latin American revolutionary. Together with Fidel Castro, whose movement he joined in 1956, he was one of the main architects of the triumph of the Cuban revolution (1959). He later held positions of great relevance in the new government, but, dissatisfied with the ineffectiveness of the offices and faithful to his purpose of extending the revolution to other Latin American countries, in 1966 he resumed his guerrilla activity in Bolivia, where he would be captured and executed a year later.
Thus, Che Guevara became the greatest revolutionary myth of the twentieth century, having given his life in the struggle against imperialism and dictatorship. He was immediately an icon of the youth of May '68, and his figure has remained as a timeless symbol of ideals of freedom and justice that, like the heroes of yesteryear, he considered more valuable than life itself. Even today, in protest actions, that profile of him based on Alberto Korda's famous photograph is still frequently exhibited.
Biography
Ernesto Che Guevara was born into a well-to-do family in Argentina, where he studied medicine. His leftist militancy led him to participate in the opposition against Juan Domingo Perón; from 1953 he traveled through Peru, Ecuador, Venezuela and Guatemala, discovering the dominant misery among the masses of Latin America and the omnipresence of North American imperialism in the region, and participating in multiple protest movements, experiences that inclined him definitively towards Marxism.
In 1955 Ernesto Che Guevara met Fidel Castro and his brother Raúl Castro in Mexico, who were preparing a revolutionary expedition to Cuba. Guevara befriended the Castros, joined the group as a doctor and disembarked with them in Cuba in 1956. Once the guerrillas were installed in Sierra Maestra, Guevara became Fidel's lieutenant and commanded one of the two columns that left the eastern mountains to the west to conquer the island. He participated in the decisive battle for the capture of Santa Clara (1958) and finally entered Havana in 1959, putting an end to the dictatorship of Fulgencio Batista.
The triumph of the revolution, carried out with scarce means, was facilitated by the unsustainable situation of the country in those years. Despite registering the highest per capita income in Latin America, wealth was concentrated in few hands; this very strong social imbalance was repeated in the marked contrasts between the countryside and the city. On the political level, corruption, clientelistic mechanisms and ineffectiveness had been accentuated to unsuspected limits under the despotic and authoritarian regime of Fulgencio Batista; his government managed to bring together against him the most disparate sectors of opinion and interests. The Cuban economy, extremely conditioned by the presence of the United States, was based on tourism in urban areas and on a capitalist agriculture that had generated a large rural proletariat, a determining factor in the revolutionary process.
From revolution to politics
The new revolutionary government granted Guevara Cuban nationality and appointed him head of the Militia and director of the Agrarian Reform Institute (1959), then president of the National Bank and Minister of Economy (1960), and finally Minister of Industry (1961). In those years, Guevara represented Cuba in several international forums, where he denounced U.S. imperialism head-on. In a trip around the world he met Gamal Abdel Nasser, Jawaharlal Nehru, Sukarno and Josip Broz Tito (1959); in another trip he met several Soviet leaders and the Chinese Zhou EnLai and Mao Zedong.
In the task of building a new society in Cuba, and especially in the field of economy, Che Guevara was one of the most tireless collaborators of Fidel Castro. In the economic plan that took place at the beginning of the new government, he opted for an original, creative and non-bureaucratic and non-institutionalized interpretation of Marxist principles. Seeking a path for the real independence of Cuba, he strove for the industrialization of the country, linking it to the help of the Soviet Union, once the attempted invasion of the island by the United States had failed and the socialist character of the Cuban revolution had been clarified (1961).
His restlessness as a professional revolutionary, however, made him secretly leave Cuba in 1965 and go to the Congo, where he fought in support of the revolutionary movement in progress, convinced that only armed insurrectional action was effective against imperialism.
In Bolivia
Released from his positions in the Cuban State, Che Guevara returned to Latin America in 1966 to launch a revolution that he hoped would be continental in scope: valuing the strategic position of Bolivia, he chose that country as a center of operations to install a guerrilla movement that could spread its influence to Argentina, Chile, Peru, Brazil and Paraguay. At the head of a small group he tried to put into practice his theory, according to which it was not necessary to wait for social conditions to produce a popular insurrection, but that armed action itself could create the conditions for a revolutionary movement to be unleashed; such ideas were collected in his book La guerra de guerrillas (1960).
However, his action did not catch on among the Bolivian masses. From the beginning his group, baptized as the National Liberation Army and composed of Cuban veterans of the Sierra Maestra and some Bolivian communists, encountered a lack of support from the peasants, who were completely alienated from the movement. Without any popular support in the rural world, and without support in the big cities due to the rejection of the communist political organizations, the possibilities of success diminished drastically.
Isolated in a jungle region where he suffered the aggravation of his asthmatic ailment, Ernesto Guevara was betrayed by local peasants and fell into an ambush by the Bolivian army in the Valle Grande region, where he was wounded and captured on October 8, 1967. Since Che had already become a symbol for young people around the world, the Bolivian military, advised by the CIA, wanted to destroy the revolutionary myth, assassinating him and then exposing his corpse, photographing him and burying him in secret. In 1997 the remains of Che Guevara were located, exhumed and transferred to Cuba, where they were buried with full honors by Fidel Castro's government.
"At the risk of seeming ridiculous, let me say that the true revolutionary is guided by a great feeling of love. It is impossible to think of a genuine revolutionary lacking this quality."
- Che Guevara
Che guevara internet archive :caught-in-4che:
Statement by Mr. Che Guevara (Cuba) before the United Nations General Assembly on 11 December 1964 :che-cigar:
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