CubitOom

joined 2 years ago
 

cross-posted from: https://infosec.pub/post/45280013

We speak with artist Shepard Fairey, best known for the Obama “Hope” poster, about the role of art in politics, the rise of fascism in the United States and more. Democracy Now!'s Amy Goodman spoke with Fairey in Los Angeles last week and toured his studio. Some of his recent artworks depict ICE agents with labels like “Domestic Terrorist,” used by Trump administration officials to describe protesters who oppose the administration's immigration crackdown. > Fairey says that while he doesn’t think of his art as propaganda, he also doesn’t shy away from the label. “If you want to call it propaganda, it’s meant to initiate a conversation, a counternarrative that isn’t happening in a robust enough way,” he says.

Fairey created the film poster for Steal This Story, Please!, the new documentary about Amy Goodman and Democracy Now!, which had its theatrical opening earlier in April.

 

We speak with artist Shepard Fairey, best known for the Obama “Hope” poster, about the role of art in politics, the rise of fascism in the United States and more. Democracy Now!'s Amy Goodman spoke with Fairey in Los Angeles last week and toured his studio. Some of his recent artworks depict ICE agents with labels like “Domestic Terrorist,” used by Trump administration officials to describe protesters who oppose the administration's immigration crackdown. > Fairey says that while he doesn’t think of his art as propaganda, he also doesn’t shy away from the label. “If you want to call it propaganda, it’s meant to initiate a conversation, a counternarrative that isn’t happening in a robust enough way,” he says.

Fairey created the film poster for Steal This Story, Please!, the new documentary about Amy Goodman and Democracy Now!, which had its theatrical opening earlier in April.

[–] CubitOom 14 points 13 hours ago* (last edited 8 hours ago)

Kash Patel is just like Hasan Piker because they both receive a salary from US tax payers, government aircraft, and a security detail where they use it for things like flying to chugg beer in U.S. Olympic hockey players' locker room, or flying to see their girlfriend.

Oh wait...I think Piker isn't actually a government employee embezzling money for pleasure? And there are documented accounts of Patel doing that, like the ones I just linked to?

I barely know who Piker is but I know whataboutism when I see it.

 

KeShaun Pearson is the leader of Memphis Community Against Pollution (MCAP), based in Memphis, Tennessee, which is focused on fighting for environmental and climate justice in the predominantly Black community of southwest Memphis that’s most impacted by the concentrated pollution from nearby toxic release facilities. MCAP is currently campaigning against Elon Musk’s polluting xAI Colossus supercomputer. Tricia Boehlke is an organizer with No Data Center in DeForest, which recently succeeded in halting a proposed data center that was pushed by a private equity-owned company in a small town outside of Madison, Wisconsin. Lee Ziesche organizes with the Tucson Democratic Socialists of America and the No Desert Data Center Coalition, which has been taking on Project Blue, a huge data center proposed in the Tucson, Arizona, area. The campaign against Project Blue won a victory when Amazon recently pulled out of the project, but its developers are again trying to advance it.

...

Activate your community as quickly as you possibly can and inform as many people as possible. These projects move with an urgency and speed by developers that we haven’t seen before. They’re steamrolling our communities and our elected officials. Also, if they’re talking about one data center, remember that it’ll likely be two or three. That’s something I wish Memphis Community Against Pollution knew earlier, because now there are three sites for the xAI project here.

...

Once we realized that the big ‘public meetings’ about the data center were propaganda sessions, we held our own events to expose the disinformation and present the truth and discuss next action steps.

...

Make resistance to the data center part of local culture.

...

The community resistance on both sides of the aisle is so enormous. This feels like the one thing that is connecting everybody together.

...

 

A police report, which The Informer received soon after the release of MPD’s statement, said at least a dozen officers arrived at the scene and recovered a white Ford E-150. Some of those officers, Williams said, went to great lengths to stop him from recording, even threatening to arrest him. 

“For them just to have a body hanging and not say s— to the community about it was crazy,” Williams told The Informer. “There were many, many people out there. Parents, grandparents, and children, and they couldn’t understand what was going on.” 

Days after his footage attracted nearly 9,000 views on YouTube, Williams continues to question why MPD didn’t immediately publicize the gruesome discovery.   

“The only thing I did see was some little flash reports…that just said police [were] over the scene,” Williams said. “They just made no issue that there was a body hanging in broad daylight at 1:30 p.m. They tried to cover it up… and then nothing came out after that.”

 

A police report, which The Informer received soon after the release of MPD’s statement, said at least a dozen officers arrived at the scene and recovered a white Ford E-150. Some of those officers, Williams said, went to great lengths to stop him from recording, even threatening to arrest him. 

“For them just to have a body hanging and not say s— to the community about it was crazy,” Williams told The Informer. “There were many, many people out there. Parents, grandparents, and children, and they couldn’t understand what was going on.” 

Days after his footage attracted nearly 9,000 views on YouTube, Williams continues to question why MPD didn’t immediately publicize the gruesome discovery.   

“The only thing I did see was some little flash reports…that just said police [were] over the scene,” Williams said. “They just made no issue that there was a body hanging in broad daylight at 1:30 p.m. They tried to cover it up… and then nothing came out after that.”

[–] CubitOom 42 points 1 day ago

Trump's lawyers are in talks with the IRS to resolve president's $10B ~~lawsuit~~ theft

[–] CubitOom 37 points 1 day ago

Flooding the zone with disinformation is something we will continue to see more of.

[–] CubitOom 7 points 1 day ago

It's also not Anarcho, that word is thrown in there as a marketing term. Like using "fresh" to describe donkey meat.

Is "anarcho"-capitalism a type of anarchism?

[–] CubitOom 2 points 1 day ago

Have you heard of this thing people are calling "AI"?

[–] CubitOom 2 points 1 day ago* (last edited 1 day ago) (1 children)

I'm of the mind that anyone funded by taxes shouldn't need to hide their identities.

Its not doxing to say that a this publicly funded person is committing a crime. Their identities should be public records and the crimes they commit should be investigated.

 

cross-posted from: https://programming.dev/post/49038451

The Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) agency operates a network of 170 unofficial detention sites around the country, called “hold rooms,” according to agency data obtained via the Freedom of Information Act. Located in warehouses, strip malls, office parks, and ICE substations, the facilities are held to different standards than the agency’s official detention facilities. They are not permitted to contain beds, and are not required to contain toilets. Though agency policy limits the time a detainee can be kept in a hold room to 72 hours, federal data show thousands of violations of that rule, including many stays lasting weeks or months at a time. The Colorado Times Recorder is reporting for the first time comprehensive information, including addresses, on all 170 hold rooms and the more than 140,000 detainees held in them between January and October of last year. Though hold rooms have been used by ICE since at least 2011 as temporary facilities to house detainees awaiting transport to official detention centers, federal data obtained by the Deportation Data Project and analyzed by the Colorado Times Recorder show a dramatic expansion of their use coinciding with Donald Trump’s return to the presidency. Until last June, the time limit for hold room detentions was 12 hours; the Trump administration upped the limit to 72 hours soon after Department of Homeland Security (DHS) Advisor Stephen Miller and then-DHS Secretary Kristi Noem ordered ICE to triple its arrest quota to 3,000 per day. Now, in violation of the agency’s own rules, hold rooms increasingly serve as unofficial, undisclosed long-term detention facilities.

Available data on the detainees held in these facilities extends only through October 2025, leaving us blind to changes or developments in detention patterns over the last five months. Judging by the rate of hold-room detentions during the first 10 months of the second Trump administration, we estimate that at least 60,000 people, in addition to the 140,000 accounted for in this data, were detained in hold rooms at some point during those months. Every facility included in our analysis was in use during the time period covered by the data; given the increase in detention activity, most likely still are. The 170 hold rooms are spread out across every U.S. state except for West Virginia, as well as Guam, Puerto Rico, the Northern Mariana Islands, and the U.S. Virgin Islands. Texas has the largest number of hold rooms, at 22. Of the 170 facilities, 130 are located in ICE field offices or suboffices. These offices, where immigrants are often asked to report for appointments with immigration authorities, are not disclosed in ICE records or elsewhere as long-term detention facilities, despite data showing many of them holding detainees for weeks at a time. 37 of the facilities held detainees for longer than a month. According to the data, one detainee endured a 292-day stay in the Newark hold room (“NEWHOLD,” as referenced in ICE records, which uses a unique seven-letter code for each hold room).

Two weeks ago, we published an exposé on the nine hold rooms that held more than 2,800 Colorado detainees last year, making the Colorado Times Recorder one of the first outlets in the nation to report anything about the secretive detention facilities. The attention generated from that article, including from members of Congress andColorado state lawmakers, prompted outreach from concerned citizens in other states, asking what we knew about the facilities in their necks of the woods. Our previous reporting also attracted the attention of data scientists who made this nationwide follow-up possible. After publishing our initial story, CTR was contacted by organizers with No Concentration Camps in Colorado (NOCCC), a coalition of organizations working to oppose the expansion of ICE operations. NOCCC, whose volunteer membership includes researchers experienced in the statistical analysis of large datasets and the cataloging and navigation of the Department of Homeland Security’s FOIA library, provided the knowledge and expertise necessary to expand upon our previous reporting. With their help, we have been able to list and map all 170 ICE hold rooms nationwide. Two weeks ago, we reported that the use of Colorado’s ICE hold rooms changed dramatically after Donald Trump returned to the Oval Office, holding more detainees for longer periods of time. Our analysis of the national dataset covering all 170 facilities reveals that those changes are not isolated to Colorado. Nationwide, many more people are being kept in hold rooms under the Trump administration than were before, and violations of the length-of-hold rules have increased sharply. Between September 2023 and the end of the Biden administration, more than 80,000 individuals were detained in ICE hold rooms nationwide. That number jumped to more than 140,000 between Donald Trump’s inauguration on January 20, 2025, and the end of the dataset in October 2025. On average, the data show 4,700 hold-room detentions per month under Biden, climbing to more than 14,000 per month under Trump. During Biden’s last 16 months in office, detainee book-in and book-out times show 281 total detentions exceeding 72 hours (though the rule at the time limited holds to 12 hours). During Donald Trump’s first nine and a half months back in office, the number of detentions exceeding 72 hours increased from 281 to 5,011.

Federal data also reveal that Colorado’s hold rooms are not alone in detaining children and the elderly. Since Trump’s return to office, the majority of the hold rooms nationwide (109 of 170) have held at least one child for a period of time. Some of the rooms have held many more. The hold rooms in New York (NYCHOLD) and Phoenix (PHOHOLD), for instance, held more children than any others in the nation during the period covered by the data. 927 children were held at the New York facility, located on the 9th floor of 26 Federal Plaza, while 749 were held at the Phoenix facility, located in a federal building on North Central Avenue. When we reported on the use of ICE hold rooms in Colorado, we noted that the oldest detainee held at the Denver hold room between January and October 2025 was a 91-year-old man. The national dataset reveals that the elderly detainee in Denver was actually the oldest resident of any hold room in the nation during that period, followed by an 88-year-old.

The hold room with the most violations in the nation, meanwhile, appears to be the Krome hold room (KROHOLD), located at a major ICE processing facility outside Miami. KROHOLD registered more than 1,300 violations of the 72-hour-hold limit last year. The Los Angeles hold room (LOSHOLD) placed second in that category, with 681 violations during the same time period. The busiest hold room in the nation during the period covered by the Deportation Data Project dataset was the

one located in Dallas (DALHOLD), which registered 13,361 detainees across the period. It was followed by the Montgomery, TX, hold room (MTGHOLD) with 13,212 detainees, and KROHOLD, which saw 11,758 detainees across the period. As with the Colorado hold rooms we reported on two weeks ago, the facilities with hold rooms nationwide appear to vary dramatically in quality, from cells ensconced in glass-and-steel federal buildings to those kept in windowless warehouses; from Federal Plaza in lower Manhattan to shoddy structures hugging regional airports. In Harrisonburg, Virginia, the address now listed as an ICE hold room appears to have, at one point, housed a Spanish-language-learning school for children. On its website, the school advertised the site as “a safe and inclusive environment that values the Spanish Language and Culture, and where children from different language backgrounds develop Spanish skills through play.” Below, we have included a map marking each of these facilities, in hopes of providing local journalists, organizations, and concerned citizens with information about the hold rooms operating closest to them. We have also included a list of each hold room broken down by state so that readers and researchers in each locale can more easily find the facilities near where they live. In addition to naming, listing, and mapping all 170 hold rooms, we also extracted critical detainee information for each – like we did in our initial reporting on the Colorado facilities – including the youngest and oldest detainees held at each facility, the longest stay at each facility, and how many times the facility has violated the 72-hour hold rule. Each pin on the map embedded in this article contains these statistics for each specific facility. We have also included the seven-letter facility codes for each facility, to help other researchers search the Deportation Data Project’s releases for facility-specific data. Though the agency can and does relocate facilities, such as the Denver hold room, each facility below is presented with the name, facility code, and address associated with it in the most recently available sources of federal data. Facility locations may also be in flux due to the increase in states passing legislation to limit local law enforcement cooperation with ICE, such as Maryland, where Gov. Wes Moore signed just such a law last month. At the bottom of this piece, we have included a note on the sources of federal data we relied on for this reporting (and some of the quirks therein), as well as a link to a GitHub repository containing the original datasets.

[–] CubitOom 17 points 1 day ago (3 children)

Honestly, the fastest way to create an atheist is for them to read the bible.

[–] CubitOom 6 points 2 days ago* (last edited 2 days ago) (3 children)

No, but I can see how you could think that. I was posting the quote block from the article to the root of the crosspost since on some frontends, it's not visible unless you go to the original post.

[–] CubitOom 7 points 2 days ago* (last edited 2 days ago)

How much does donkey meat go for, $40,000,000,000?

[–] CubitOom 3 points 2 days ago (5 children)

Sorry, what was?

[–] CubitOom 20 points 2 days ago (7 children)

At the time, Amalia was a healthy toddler with no known issues. The water at Dilley smelled strange, so her parents, Kheilin Valero Marcano and Stiven Arrieta Prieto, bought bottled water at the center’s commissary for her, despite having no income in detention. (The article noted that nonprofit organizations who work on immigrants’ rights, such as Human Rights First and RAICIES, have found that families detained at Dilley say the water there is “unclean, foul-smelling, and causes stomachaches.”)

Marcano also said that one child found a bug in her food in the facility’s cafeteria, leading other kids not to want to eat. Not long after that, children in the facility began to fall sick, including Amalia. In January, Amalia developed a high fever, and at the facility’s clinic, Amalia was given ibuprofen and her parents were told the fever was “good, because it means she’s fighting off a virus.”

But after two weeks, the fever persisted, and Amalia started vomiting and having diarrhea. Going back to Dilley’s medical clinic didn’t help, as Marcano told The New Yorker she waited in line on eight different occasions without her concerns being addressed. Marcano at one point gave Amalia a cold bath to try to lower her temperature, only for her daughter to pass out. She went to the clinic and shouted, “Are you going to watch my baby die in my arms?”

A few days later, the facility’s clinic measured Amalia’s blood-oxygen saturation levels, which are supposed to be between 95 percent and 100 percent for a healthy person. Amalia’s were in the low 50s, a level so low that it can kill off parts of the brain. This was enough for ICE to allow Amalia to be sent to a local hospital, and eventually a larger hospital in San Antonio, where she was diagnosed with Covid-19, RSV, bronchitis, pneumonia, and an ear infection. She got supplemental oxygen and intensive care.

Even in the hospital, ICE agents constantly supervised Marcano and Amalia, writing down when she spoke with the nurses, and even getting upset when nurses gave her a bag of clothes and hygiene items. After 10 days in the hospital, the pair were sent back to Dilley, and Amalia was prescribed a medicine to be administered by nebulizer, which her mom said was confiscated by agents.

Amalia and her family were released after 57 days in detention without Amalia’s birth certificate, her vaccination records, or the medication. Her story later showed up in a congressional hearing with then–Homeland Security Secretary Kristi Noem in March. But as the article states, Amalia was one of many children suffering from medical neglect in ICE custody, most of whom we will likely never learn about.

 

cross-posted from: https://infosec.pub/post/45175473

At the time, Amalia was a healthy toddler with no known issues. The water at Dilley smelled strange, so her parents, Kheilin Valero Marcano and Stiven Arrieta Prieto, bought bottled water at the center’s commissary for her, despite having no income in detention. (The article noted that nonprofit organizations who work on immigrants’ rights, such as Human Rights First and RAICIES, have found that families detained at Dilley say the water there is “unclean, foul-smelling, and causes stomachaches.”)

Marcano also said that one child found a bug in her food in the facility’s cafeteria, leading other kids not to want to eat. Not long after that, children in the facility began to fall sick, including Amalia. In January, Amalia developed a high fever, and at the facility’s clinic, Amalia was given ibuprofen and her parents were told the fever was “good, because it means she’s fighting off a virus.”

But after two weeks, the fever persisted, and Amalia started vomiting and having diarrhea. Going back to Dilley’s medical clinic didn’t help, as Marcano told The New Yorker she waited in line on eight different occasions without her concerns being addressed. Marcano at one point gave Amalia a cold bath to try to lower her temperature, only for her daughter to pass out. She went to the clinic and shouted, “Are you going to watch my baby die in my arms?”

A few days later, the facility’s clinic measured Amalia’s blood-oxygen saturation levels, which are supposed to be between 95 percent and 100 percent for a healthy person. Amalia’s were in the low 50s, a level so low that it can kill off parts of the brain. This was enough for ICE to allow Amalia to be sent to a local hospital, and eventually a larger hospital in San Antonio, where she was diagnosed with Covid-19, RSV, bronchitis, pneumonia, and an ear infection. She got supplemental oxygen and intensive care.

Even in the hospital, ICE agents constantly supervised Marcano and Amalia, writing down when she spoke with the nurses, and even getting upset when nurses gave her a bag of clothes and hygiene items. After 10 days in the hospital, the pair were sent back to Dilley, and Amalia was prescribed a medicine to be administered by nebulizer, which her mom said was confiscated by agents.

Amalia and her family were released after 57 days in detention without Amalia’s birth certificate, her vaccination records, or the medication. Her story later showed up in a congressional hearing with then–Homeland Security Secretary Kristi Noem in March. But as the article states, Amalia was one of many children suffering from medical neglect in ICE custody, most of whom we will likely never learn about.

 

At the time, Amalia was a healthy toddler with no known issues. The water at Dilley smelled strange, so her parents, Kheilin Valero Marcano and Stiven Arrieta Prieto, bought bottled water at the center’s commissary for her, despite having no income in detention. (The article noted that nonprofit organizations who work on immigrants’ rights, such as Human Rights First and RAICIES, have found that families detained at Dilley say the water there is “unclean, foul-smelling, and causes stomachaches.”)

Marcano also said that one child found a bug in her food in the facility’s cafeteria, leading other kids not to want to eat. Not long after that, children in the facility began to fall sick, including Amalia. In January, Amalia developed a high fever, and at the facility’s clinic, Amalia was given ibuprofen and her parents were told the fever was “good, because it means she’s fighting off a virus.”

But after two weeks, the fever persisted, and Amalia started vomiting and having diarrhea. Going back to Dilley’s medical clinic didn’t help, as Marcano told The New Yorker she waited in line on eight different occasions without her concerns being addressed. Marcano at one point gave Amalia a cold bath to try to lower her temperature, only for her daughter to pass out. She went to the clinic and shouted, “Are you going to watch my baby die in my arms?”

A few days later, the facility’s clinic measured Amalia’s blood-oxygen saturation levels, which are supposed to be between 95 percent and 100 percent for a healthy person. Amalia’s were in the low 50s, a level so low that it can kill off parts of the brain. This was enough for ICE to allow Amalia to be sent to a local hospital, and eventually a larger hospital in San Antonio, where she was diagnosed with Covid-19, RSV, bronchitis, pneumonia, and an ear infection. She got supplemental oxygen and intensive care.

Even in the hospital, ICE agents constantly supervised Marcano and Amalia, writing down when she spoke with the nurses, and even getting upset when nurses gave her a bag of clothes and hygiene items. After 10 days in the hospital, the pair were sent back to Dilley, and Amalia was prescribed a medicine to be administered by nebulizer, which her mom said was confiscated by agents.

Amalia and her family were released after 57 days in detention without Amalia’s birth certificate, her vaccination records, or the medication. Her story later showed up in a congressional hearing with then–Homeland Security Secretary Kristi Noem in March. But as the article states, Amalia was one of many children suffering from medical neglect in ICE custody, most of whom we will likely never learn about.

 

cross-posted from: https://infosec.pub/post/45175219

The lawsuit concerned itself with Eyes Up, an app that allowed users to post videos and details about ICE activity. However, in October 2025, Apple removed apps that performed similar actions, including ICEBlock, Red Dot, and Eyes Up.

At the time, the apps were told by Apple that it had received information from law enforcement for violations of the App Store guidelines. Specifically, guideline 1.1.1 prohibits defamatory, discriminatory, or mean-spirited content.

Another plaintiff of the lawsuit, the Facebook group "ICE Sightings - Chicagoland," was disabled on October 14, with Facebook notifying that it went against community standards.

This occurred at the same time as then-U.S. Attorney General Pam Bondi posted to social media about the matter. Bondi said that Facebook closed a large group used to dox ICE agents in Chicago after outreach from the Department of Justice.

 

The lawsuit concerned itself with Eyes Up, an app that allowed users to post videos and details about ICE activity. However, in October 2025, Apple removed apps that performed similar actions, including ICEBlock, Red Dot, and Eyes Up.

At the time, the apps were told by Apple that it had received information from law enforcement for violations of the App Store guidelines. Specifically, guideline 1.1.1 prohibits defamatory, discriminatory, or mean-spirited content.

Another plaintiff of the lawsuit, the Facebook group "ICE Sightings - Chicagoland," was disabled on October 14, with Facebook notifying that it went against community standards.

This occurred at the same time as then-U.S. Attorney General Pam Bondi posted to social media about the matter. Bondi said that Facebook closed a large group used to dox ICE agents in Chicago after outreach from the Department of Justice.

 

cross-posted from: https://infosec.pub/post/45104212

One teen spent four days inside it.** The walls are lined with red carpet. It is not installed for comfort. It is industrial fiber designed to swallow sound. It muffles the panic of a trapped child. The red dye saturates the room. It creates a closed loop of physical confinement. The rough material shrinks the space. It forces the eye inward.

The floor is solid red. Unforgiving and bare. There is no furniture. There is no bed to rest on. There is nothing to anchor the mind. It is a flat plane built for pacing. It is built for exhaustion.

A single overhead light acts as the ultimate warden. It is institutional and unblinking. It strips away the natural cycle of day and night. There are no windows to track the sun. Morning and midnight look exactly the same. Time is weaponized against the occupant. Four days inside becomes an eternity of unbroken illumination.

Security watched. Not for calming. For punishment.

Kids called it the red room. Staff called it the crisis room. New York rules demand consent for de-escalation rooms. This was not consent. This was control.

 

One teen spent four days inside it. The walls are lined with red carpet. It is not installed for comfort. It is industrial fiber designed to swallow sound. It muffles the panic of a trapped child. The red dye saturates the room. It creates a closed loop of physical confinement. The rough material shrinks the space. It forces the eye inward.

The floor is solid red. Unforgiving and bare. There is no furniture. There is no bed to rest on. There is nothing to anchor the mind. It is a flat plane built for pacing. It is built for exhaustion.

A single overhead light acts as the ultimate warden. It is institutional and unblinking. It strips away the natural cycle of day and night. There are no windows to track the sun. Morning and midnight look exactly the same. Time is weaponized against the occupant. Four days inside becomes an eternity of unbroken illumination.

Security watched. Not for calming. For punishment.

Kids called it the red room. Staff called it the crisis room. New York rules demand consent for de-escalation rooms. This was not consent. This was control.

view more: next ›