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And they said we should just accept it on their credibility.

I had the occasion to look this up again, so I thought I should post it for more than the shitlib I got it for (so now it's also for the three of you sorting by new at this hour)

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THE G-20 meeting in Delhi was occurring in the midst of an acute economic crisis of the world economy. The advanced capitalist economies are expected by the IMF to witness a growth slowdown from 2.7 per cent in 2022 to 1.3 per cent in 2023; according to an alternative estimate by the IMF their growth in 2023 could even fall below 1 per cent. Since their rate of growth of labour productivity is likely to exceed this figure, it would mean a substantial increase in unemployment in the metropolis. This would be compounded, especially in the case of EU by a vast influx of migrants from Eastern Europe that has been occurring for some time, and of refugees from Ukraine, which is being incited to fight NATO’s proxy war against Russia.

The tendency towards fascism in Europe which has gained considerable momentum of late will get a further massive boost from this growth in unemployment which will further encourage animosity towards immigrants. The neo-Nazi AfD in Germany is already getting close to 20 per cent of votes and is poised to do deals for coming to power, at least in provincial governments, with parties that till now had shunned it. Marine Le Pen, the standard bearer of fascism in France, is reportedly having a larger approval rating than Emmanuel Macron. Italy has already elected a fascist government, and Spain which was generally expected to do so, has just got a temporary respite by throwing up an inconclusive result in its recent elections. All these elements will get a further boost.

With the advanced countries’ economies facing unprecedented crisis, its impact will be faced in the global South as well, in terms of a slowdown in GDP growth, a rise in unemployment, an accentuation of the debt crisis, and a strengthening of the tendency towards fascism. Argentina is poised to elect a president who is committed to eliminating all welfare expenditure; and this distressing trend may well catch on in countries where it has not already done so.

One would have expected the G-20 summit held in this situation to take some initiative in the matter of overcoming the economic crisis, as the G-20 meeting held soon after the collapse of the US housing bubble had done. In particular, some initiative with regard to the external debt of the third world countries was expected, in view of India’s projecting its G-20 leadership as a favourable development for the cause of the global south, and of some Indian official spokesmen signalling third world debt as a matter for discussion.

But nothing of the sort happened. The Delhi declaration that emerged from the summit said very little on the burning economic questions of the day, even though, as the Chinese and the Russian delegates have always emphasized, G-20 should be concerned more with economic matters than with matters of security. No doubt, the declaration effected a change in position compared to the declaration of the previous summit at Bali, Indonesia, with regard to the Ukraine war: while Russia had come in for explicit criticism there, in Delhi there was a scrupulous avoidance of any blame being laid at Russia’s door. But its call for peace, though laudable, will have very little effect.

All initiatives for peace have been scuttled by the NATO countries, who are determined to use the Ukrainian people as canon-fodder in their fight against Russia: it was the US and Britain that torpedoed the Minsk agreement; the same countries also scuttled the peace negotiations soon after the Russian military operations had begun; and they are still busy egging on Ukraine to persist with the war. The war will end therefore only when NATO is willing for it to end, and NATO’s willingness is not going to be influenced one iota by the G-20 Delhi declaration, notwithstanding their acquiescence with its wording that is not so favourable for them. The declaration has paragraphs extolling religious tolerance and respect for diversity; but these, though certainly laudable, have little effective significance. With Erdogan of Turkey and Modi of India being signatories to this statement, even when their countries are moving precisely in the opposite direction with the connivance of their governments, such phrases can only be seen as pious platitudes.

Not that economic issues do not figure in the declaration; but they do so only in very general terms. Not only is there no specific proposal, not even for an international meeting to discuss debt relief for the poor countries of the third world; but, even in the matter of achieving sustained economic growth, not a single thought appears to have been spared on the means for doing so. It may be argued that a declaration is not the place for concrete proposals; but there is no evidence of any discussion having taken place at the summit on these burning current issues.

This should not come as a surprise. The host government’s overwhelming interest in the summit was to derive maximum publicity from it, which it has succeeded in doing. The poor countries, which are the main victims of the ongoing crisis because they are the ones who get crushed by IMF-imposed “austerity”, were not represented at the summit at all. And the advanced countries do not even admit the fact of the economic crisis, let alone discuss proposals for overcoming it, even though individual “establishment economists” have attested to its existence. The G-20 meeting in short was a show in which different countries participated for their own particular reasons, but which was not greatly concerned with resolving the problems facing the world.

This however raises the question: why do advanced country governments take the current economic crisis with such equanimity? Unemployment in an earlier era had been a matter of great concern for capitalist governments, with John Maynard Keynes, an avowed defender of capitalism even saying that “the world will not much longer tolerate the unemployment which is associated …with present-day capitalistic individualism”. Of course, in that earlier era, unemployment that was symptomatic of a recession, went together with a loss of profits, so that both workers and capitalists suffered from the crisis of which unemployment was a symptom. In contemporary capitalism however that is no longer the case: production is not the sole or even the main source of profits; financial operations account for a substantial segment of profits so that even when the economy is in recession, capitalists’ profits hold up well. True, no surplus value is generated in financial operations, but they create claims on resources, so that even when production is stagnant, these claims on public assets, on small capitalists’ assets, and on natural resources can continue growing. Put differently, the surplus value appropriated from production is supplemented in contemporary capitalism by the direct acquisition of assets by the large corporates from other capitalists, from the State, and from sectors not hitherto commoditised (which would constitute instances of centralisation or primitive accumulation of capital). A recession per se therefore matters less to the dominant corporate interests under contemporary capitalism.

But, what about the social instability it generates because of the mass unemployment and destitution created by it? We have to look at the context in which Keynes was writing and see its difference from today, in order to understand the equanimity of metropolitan states in the face of crisis. Keynes was writing against the backdrop of the Bolshevik Revolution when socialism appeared not just a possibility but an imminent prospect; unless something was done immediately about unemployment, the disaffection of the workers would bring the transcendence of capitalism onto the agenda.

That alas is no longer the case. With the setback to actually-existing socialism, metropolitan capitalist governments are no longer as worried about the prospects of social instability. True, the advanced capitalist countries are facing a challenge to their hegemony, but this challenge does not have the sharp ideological edge to it that it had earlier; and whatever threat comes from the working class can be blunted by the use of fascist elements. ** They are however living in a fools’ paradise. There are huge strike-struggles at present by the workers in the advanced capitalist countries; and let us not forget that the Bolshevik Revolution too in its time had come “out of the blue”.**

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So I've always been fascinated by how reactionaries pick a "strong man" figure who is generally regarded as a clown by most of society. Hitler's the most obvious example (not blond, not Aryan, short, dumb mustache), but Trump of course is another one. I love how Ben Garrison is constantly horny on main for the guy and draws him as a muscular superhero when in fact he's a complete slob and borderline illiterate.

I always figured there was some psychological projection at play since that's just how conservative's minds function on a basic level. Everything is projection. Every accusation is a confession. However, I've never quite been able to articulate it into words or properly wrap my mind around it.

It took a while, but I managed to get ChatGPT to articulate what I've been trying to put into words for a long time and I thought you comrades might be interested. Here's a link to the full conversation.

Q: Yes, I think we are getting closer here. Let's go further - in what ways would psychological projection play a role in why they consistently seem to pick leaders that are the opposite of their rhetoric? not "strong men" and "protectors" but perceived by non-reactionaries as "clowns" and "buffoons" ? I feel like there may even be a sort of dialectical relationship here, But i don't know I'm just spitballing here. What say you robot?

A: Your observation is an interesting one and the idea of a dialectical relationship or a certain ironic twist in the projection of "strength" onto individuals who might not embody traditional ideals of strength is worth exploring. Here are some potential explanations:

Projection as Compensation: Some followers may project their idealized version of strength onto a leader as a form of compensation for their own perceived weaknesses or inadequacies. They may be drawn to leaders who, despite not fitting the typical mold of a "strongman," exude a certain confidence or defiance that resonates with their own desire for empowerment.

Anti-Establishment Appeal: Many far-right supporters are driven by anti-establishment sentiments, and they may view unconventional leaders as more authentic and relatable. A leader who is perceived as a "clown" or "buffoon" by the mainstream may be seen as a genuine outsider, challenging the status quo. The projection in this case may be about the desire for disruption and change.

Rejection of Elitism: A leader who does not conform to traditional standards of behavior or appearance might be appealing to far-right supporters who reject what they perceive as elitist or establishment standards. They might project their own disdain for political correctness or establishment norms onto the leader, who becomes a symbol of defiance.

Psychological Dissonance: Followers may project an image of strength onto a leader who is perceived by others as weak or buffoonish as a form of psychological dissonance. By elevating the leader and identifying with them, they are indirectly validating their own beliefs and convictions, even if those beliefs are contradictory or incongruent with the leader's actual characteristics.

Shared Vulnerability: In some cases, far-right supporters may identify with the perceived vulnerabilities or flaws of their chosen leader. They might project their own sense of being misunderstood, marginalized, or ridiculed onto the leader, who becomes a symbol of their own struggle for recognition and respect.

Dialectical Tension: The notion of a dialectical relationship is an intriguing one. There could be a tension between the desire for a strong, authoritarian figure and the rejection of mainstream ideals of strength and authority. This tension could manifest in the projection of strength onto leaders who defy conventional standards, creating a dialectical interplay between the ideal of strength and the reality of the leader's characteristics.

Ultimately, the psychological mechanisms at play are complex and multifaceted. Projection can serve various functions, and the appeal of certain leaders may be a reflection of the diverse and sometimes contradictory desires and emotions of their followers. The consistent selection of leaders who don't embody traditional ideals of strength could be the result of a combination of these factors, shaped by the specific socio-political context in which the far-right movement operates.

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Oh boy do I love it when YouTube recommends me Right-wing propaganda

nato-cool eu-cool

Edit: Still new to hexbear so I just realised that the link to the video didn't copy over as the URL. walter-breakdown

Here it is https://youtu.be/VW0odN60oWg?si=zM1M2GpZ0pkDhf1m

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articleAuthor: Saulat Nagi

“This is (also) the story of an army that had a state,” wrote the celebrated Israeli journalist Gideon Levy in Haaretz in July, “Along came a government that acted to overturn the orders of the government in the army’s state, whereas the army rose in protest against the government.”

The script, with some differences, is so familiar to the Pakistani audience that had it not been written by Gideon Levy, it would have been received as a write-up of a Pakistani columnist for whom the horrors of life in a praetorian state outweigh the horrors of death; hence, he has opted to write the last column before committing hara-kiri.

Israel and Pakistan are security states where the critique of the army is taboo. However, those calling a spade a spade are tolerated and sometimes celebrated in Israel if they are white Jews, a privileged species whom even the generals do not dare touch. However, that takes nothing away from the heroic efforts of Ilan Pappé, Israel Finkelstein, Levy, and Amira Hass.

On the other hand, Palestinian journalists are seen condescendingly as lowly creatures. They can be harassed or killed in cold blood without consequences. The gory murder of American-Palestinian journalist Shireen Abu Akleh by an Israeli army sniper is one example.

Pakistan, run by inscrutable decrees of the Praetorian guards, has an altogether different tolerance level. Nonconformist writers, thinkers, and activists disappear into the mist of the night, and sometimes in broad daylight, to be found as mutilated cadavers. “Talk’st thou to me of ‘ifs’? Thou art a traitor—Off with his head,” Shakespeare succinctly sketched in his portrait of an oppressive society quivering in the clutches of peripheral capitalism and native civil-military bourgeoisie.

The ‘invincible’ Pakistan Army had its raw moments when it licked the dust and its wounds, turning it even more vicious at home. The war in East Bengal became its Dien Bien Phu. Humbled, it came to terms with the Bhutto-led civilian leadership. The assassination of Osama bin Laden at Abbottabad by the US Marines came as a rude shock from the ally. The recent momentary grief struck when Imran Khan—the Frankenstein created overnight—found himself on the crest of his popularity, forcing his mentors to concede some transitory space for the civilian leadership. It culminated in extracting a rare apology from the army high command for meddling in politics.

The pledge to remain apolitical was a mirage from the beginning. The dominant institution controlling the means of production is under no compulsion to yield to the demands of the Pakistani people. Unlike the Israeli army, it needs no histrionics of going on strike, for it can strike contemptuously with all its might, not against the enemy but its own people. Leaving the jargon of independence aside, the people of Pakistan replaced the yoke of British colonialism with the fetters of “cantonment colonialism,” a term leading Pakistani economist Qasar Bengali coined.

Despite no formal diplomatic ties, Pakistan and Israel share many similarities. If Pakistan was created based on the Two-nation Theory, the Palestinian land was cleaved to be presented to a mere 6% of the Jewish population to build its homeland under a sham of a two-state solution. If an agnostic Jinnah used the religious card to materialise his dream state, David Ben-Gurion, a self-proclaimed atheist, waved the bible in the United Nations to justify creating a state promised to him by a certain God in whom most of the Zionist lobby scarcely believed.

In 1971, the Two-nation theory had the kiss of death. A new rump Pakistan, a land of the “blessed people”, was born with a new ideology. Cultural Islam gave in to political Islam based on rituals and medieval traditions. Islam, devoid of economic content, became a panacea of all ills. Vulture capitalism, packed in an Islamic facade, was imposed on people.

Since its inception, Zionism has played the “chosen people” card. Gideon Levi said in a recent interview on Red Reality, “Our religion is that what we are allowed to do, no one else is allowed to do, our religion is that we are the chosen people…after the holocaust, Jews have the right to do whatever they want to do.”

Nevertheless, this fixation is common to every faith, whether it is a crusade, jihad, or a pretext for ethnic cleansing of non-Jews.

“You cannot be half-pregnant, even if you like to be, so you cannot be a half-democracy, a democracy for one kind of people only,” Gideon Levi said.

But Pakistan has never been a democracy. Ailing from an aborted form of democracy, lately described as a hybrid experience, Pakistan is run by plutocracy or praetoriocracy. The Israeli democracy is equally farcical, not only for a lack of economic content but for shutting its doors to the millions of Palestinians in occupied territories and within the Israeli state. The recent uprising in Israel—remaining completely indifferent to the Palestinians’ genocide—denotes the dictatorial nature of its democratic facade. The guillotine set forth against the Palestinians has come home to teach a lesson or two to the perpetrators.

If, in the last three-quarters of a century, Pakistan failed to develop into a nation-state—a bourgeois concept or construct—Israel has no intention of becoming one. Countries born from the womb of intolerance, religious bigotry, and racial supremacy cannot absorb and assimilate citizens of different ethnic, religious, and linguistic backgrounds. Pakistan, failing to assimilate ethnicity, created a fictitious identity of a Muslim Ummah, forgetting that Islam is not monolithic and modern Muslim-dominated states follow their own economic interests despite the common religion.

Israel hides behind the tattered veil of racial juggernaut, a hackneyed concept incommensurate to 21st-century capitalism where everyone is a buyer. Although Palestinians have been thrown out of the productive process, they are consumers of the exchange society and almost equal in numbers in what Eretz Yisrael called ‘Greater Israel’. They cannot be wished away.

Besides, nothing can take away from the heroic struggle they launch every day with their blood and tears. They haven’t defeated the enemy, Pappé says, but they have defeated defeatism, which is a great achievement. To cite Mahmoud Darwish, Palestinians have “triumphed over the plan to be expelled from history”.

It adds to the Israelis’ headache that many coloured Jews and non-Jews prepared to embrace Judaism from Africa also live in sundown towns in Israel as second-degree citizens. One can dream of building a white Ashkenazi ‘nation’ in the Middle East, but its materialisation will be the imponderable of history.

Israel and Pakistan were carved out in response to the objective historical needs of imperialism. Not that the Hindu bourgeoisie was indifferent to the Muslims’ socio-economic demands, but it suffered from soft Hindutva, a myopic religious version of hating all communities other than Hindus, ultimately culminating in Modi’s absolutism. The xenophobia of the Indian bourgeoisie gave ample boost to the Muslim petty bourgeoisie and landowning classes to flaunt the flag of a Muslim homeland. Backed by British colonialism, Pakistan became the front-line state against the Soviet Union and its allied progressive powers in the Middle East.

When Bolsheviks were turning the page of history, the Balfour Declaration gave birth to Israel. It was no coincidence. The hegemonic powers watched Marxist theory become contagious with hostility. Churchill declared the “sinister Bolsheviks as international terrorist Jews”. “A Jewish state under the protection of the British crown”, he declared, could thwart Trotsky’s alleged “scheme of a worldwide communistic state under Jewish domination”.

The Bolsheviks exposed the imperialist nature of the Balfour Declaration and the Sykes-Picot agreement.

After inflicting devastating blows on Arab neighbours, the Israeli state has closed its doors to a socialist transformation of Arab republics. The legacy of an iron-fisted control of monarchies in Saudi and Jordan and an authoritarian regime in Egypt can be retraced to the chaos created by the settler-colonial apartheid Israel in cahoots with its imperialist masters. Arabs are beasts, and “Israel is a villa in a jungle”, former Israeli premier Ehud Barak said. But who made the Arabs into beasts? The answer lies in the toxicity of David.

Pakistan and Israel also have dicey relations with neighbours. Pakistan has fought several wars with India, destroyed Afghanistan, and has a far-from-ideal relationship with Iran.

In 1967, without an ultimatum, Israel attacked Egypt, Syria, and Jordan, seizing control over East Jerusalem, the West Bank, Gaza, and the Golan Heights, which it occupies in brazen violation of UN territorial laws. Later, it destroyed Lebanon, only to be humiliated by Hezbollah in 2006. It bombs Syria regularly. The suffering and ethnic cleansing of the Palestinians is no secret.

Pakistan claims to be an Islamic republic, while Israel wants to become a strictly Jewish state. But neither has the Pakistani clergy found the definition of a Muslim, nor is there unanimity in the Israeli ruling class on the definition of a Jew. Pakistan’s innumerable religious sects have no consensus on the Muslim question. In this regard, Justice Munir Commission Report of 1954 is an eye-opener.

After several debates, the Israeli superior court defined Judaism as not religion but racial identity: A Jew can be an atheist unless he changes his religion, even if born to a Jewish mother. It’s quite a contradiction since having a Jewish birth mother makes one a Jew—an integral part of the Jewish race.

In Israel, the holocaust—which had no significance before the 1967 war—is non-negotiable, akin to the immutable facts that are Pakistan’s anti-blasphemy laws, a fetish that cannot be challenged in any court. Both are used as commodities. The Israeli government has directly or indirectly earned $86.8 billion from Germany alone in compensation for Nazi-era genocide.

The charge of anti-Semitism is also being deployed to stifle critiques of its barbaric campaign against the liquidation of Palestinians. Blasphemy is a hot commodity in Pakistan, a means to threaten and lynch one’s enemy or exploit religious minorities for monetary benefit. Like fascism, it is a cross-class phenomenon that can kill with democratic disregard the haves and have-nots, though most of its victims are subaltern and middle-class intellectuals. “The mindless pastime of beating people to death confirms the drab existence to which one merely conforms,” wrote Adorno.

Despite the aura of becoming a technologically advanced country, Israel thrives on American taxpayers’ aid worth $3.8 billion per annum. It sells the world advanced weaponry tested on hapless Palestinians, but like the South African apartheid regime—which possessed nukes—it can only survive on the unconditional support of the United States, whose global outpost it is.

The flight of capital, which has started in Israel after the judicial tussle, is a lethal instrument with the imperialist powers to bludgeon the Global South into submission. “It transpired that the neo-liberal, capitalist system has no reason to invest in the state of Judea [latter-days fascist Israel led by Netanyahu and his far-right clique] if indeed it replaces Fantasy Israel. International financial corporations and the international high-tech industry regard states such as Judea as unstable and risky destinations for foreign investment. In fact, they are already pulling their funds and investments away from Israel,” Pappé wrote in July.

The Pakistani ruling classes made hay during the Afghan jihad under Pakistani Pinochet Zia and Musharaff’s regime when it yielded unconditionally to a single threat from Richard Armitage. Once the Afghan adventures were over, Pakistan lost its geopolitical advantage. The United States left an unemployed army in a country with nukes in the lurch. The nukes have fallen on its people; they are the mutations. Pakistan is a failed state, and, intriguingly, the question of its creation is becoming an existential one.

Amnesty International, B’Tselem, Human Rights Watch, and other human rights organisations declare Israel an apartheid state, a machine that “mows” the Palestinians. It builds the wall, segregates the people, commits infanticide, passes and ruthlessly acts upon racist laws, and builds concentration camps and open-air prisons.

The Pakistan Army massacred its East Pakistani citizens and now perpetrates violent attacks on its Baloch subjects, creates religious auxiliaries to crush movements demanding socio-economic change, snatches land from peasants, and changes governments on whims. Everything is done in the name of securing geographical and religious boundaries. The insinuation and permeation of political Islam, a Mamluk-style tributary mode, in Pakistan, would have been impossible without help from the US-Saudi-Pak Army nexus.

The jihadi culture bred Taliban, al-Qaida, ISIS and other terrorist groups; many fought as proxies of the American empire in Libya, Syria, and African countries. Under American tutelage, Pakistan has regressed into a terrorist-exporting state.

The state terrorism of Israel is an existential reality its ruling class does not even care to conceal. It takes pride in the hideous crimes against Palestinians. The Indian ruling class has learnt many tactics from its Israeli friends, and it may preach pragmatism, “But it is difficult to see,” as Robert Fisk wrote in 2019 in The Independent, “How Zionist nationalism will not leach into Hindu nationalism when Israel is supplying so many weapons to India.”

Hope for these states depends entirely on their people. If they do not wake up to the fetters of the metropolitan capital and their native bourgeoisie, and realise no nation is free that enchains another, there is no hope.

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I'll put the transcript in the comments. I just stuck the vid at 50% speed and typed along. I'm not that weird, do not make fun of me!

The transcript still has some ums, uhhs, and you-knows in it, might want to clean those up before you paste excerpts anywhere.

and uh shoutout to emizeko, who apparently posted this video a month ago

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Peter Daou, a former Democratic activist, is running Cornel West’s third-party campaign. He talked to The New York Times about how he came to view the two-party system as a bigger problem than Donald J. Trump.

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Till every cage is empty.

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https://archive.ph/V47Ip

The reason Timbo’s comments have resonated globally is not so much that he’s a capitalist edgelord who is willing to publicly say the thing that other bosses are secretly thinking. Although there are surely readers of this newspaper who are quietly agreeing with him.

It’s because Tim Gurner encapsulates all the fears that regular people have of the property industry. That when landlords and property developers go into functions and hotel ballrooms, they all privately gripe about the ungrateful serfs. But the mask didn’t slip here. Timbo ripped it off.

Financial Review: Put the mask back on, you fool! Dont scare the peasants!

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