CubitOom
joined 2 years ago
Tarball detected, would you like to xzf?
Leslie Nielsen crawls out of a Jefferies tube onto the bridge
"I just want you to tell you both, good luck! We're all counting on you."
Leslie Nielsen crawls into the Jefferies tube
Chekov looks unimpressed and was really hoping to find the nuclear wessels.
This is a really great point
Yeah I would use a lot more protective material on around the unit, especially if renting or you're gunna lose that security deposit.
I like how you can pronounce it Ur-anus or Uran-us and both are equally funny.
My computer gets hacked all the time, I'm pretty used to it now.
This is an excerpt from Politics of Nonviolent Action (Gene Sharp) on how non violent resistance affected Kapp Putsch in Germany (1920).
The monarchist-military Kapp Putsch of 1920 against the new German Weimar Republic was defeated. According to the eminent German historian Erich Eyck, victory for the republic against this attempted coup d’état was won principally by “the general strike of the workers and the refusal of the higher civil servants to collaborate with their rebel masters.” Particular attention will be given here to the refusal of assistance by these civil servants and certain other key groups. A further description is offered in Chapter Two.
At the onset of the Putsch, the legal Ebert government had proclaimed that German citizens remained under obligation to be loyal to and obey it alone. The resulting resistance of the civil servants took a variety of forms. The officers of the Reichsbank refused Kapp’s request for ten million Marks because it lacked an authorized official signature–all the undersecretaries in the ministries had refused to sign. The bank’s cashier rejected Kapp’s own signature as worthless, even though his troops occupied the capital and the legal government had fled.
Unable to obtain the cooperation of qualified men to form the promised cabinet of experts, the Kappists asked public patience with a government of inexperienced men. Some cabinet posts were never filled. Many officials already in government bureaus refused to assist the Kapp regime; those in the government grain bureau, for example, threatened to strike unless Kapp retired.
Even lesser civil servants were not very helpful to those who had seized the pinnacle of power; as a result, hopelessly incompetent men were appointed to lesser but nonetheless important posts, such as directorship of the press bureau; this weakened the Kapp regime. Even the noncooperation of clerks and typists was felt. When Kapp’s daughter, who was to draft the new regime’s manifesto to the nation, arrived at the Reich Chancellery on Saturday, March 13, she found no one to type for her–no one had turned up for work that day–and no typewriter; as a result, Kapp’s manifesto was too late for the Sunday papers. Many offices of the Defense Ministry were also vacant that day. Toward the end even the Security Police turned against Kapp, demanding his resignation.
Combined with a powerful general strike, the impact of such noncooperation was considerable. A specialist in the history of the coup d’état and a historian of the Kapp Putsch, Lieutenant Colonel D.J. Goodspeed, writes: “No government can function long without a certain necessary minimum of popular support and cooperation.”
The Ruhr uprising (German: Ruhraufstand) or March uprising (Märzaufstand) was an uprising that occurred in the Ruhr region of Germany from 13 March to 6 April 1920. It was a left-wing workers' revolt triggered by the call for a general strike in response to the Kapp Putsch, then became an armed rebellion when far-left workers used the strike as an opportunity to attempt the establishment of a council republic.[1]
photo: Members of the Red Ruhr Army in Dortmund
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ruhr_uprising
The Ruhr uprising (German: Ruhraufstand) or March uprising (Märzaufstand) was an uprising that occurred in the Ruhr region of Germany from 13 March to 6 April 1920. It was a left-wing workers' revolt triggered by the call for a general strike in response to the Kapp Putsch, then became an armed rebellion when far-left workers used the strike as an opportunity to attempt the establishment of a council republic.[1]
photo: Members of the Red Ruhr Army in Dortmund
The Nazi term Gleichschaltung (German pronunciation: [ˈɡlaɪçʃaltʊŋ]), meaning "synchronization" or "bringing into line", was the process of Nazification by which Adolf Hitler—leader of the Nazi Party in Germany—established a system of totalitarian control and coordination over all aspects of German society "from the economy and trade associations to the media, culture and education".
photo: 1938 Nuremberg Rally postcard, from the NSDAP Central Publishing House. A Nazi Reichsadler, or "Reich's Eagle," towers over Germany and Austria.
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Gleichschaltung
The Nazi term Gleichschaltung (German pronunciation: [ˈɡlaɪçʃaltʊŋ]), meaning "synchronization" or "bringing into line", was the process of Nazification by which Adolf Hitler—leader of the Nazi Party in Germany—established a system of totalitarian control and coordination over all aspects of German society "from the economy and trade associations to the media, culture and education".
photo: 1938 Nuremberg Rally postcard, from the NSDAP Central Publishing House. A Nazi Reichsadler, or "Reich's Eagle," towers over Germany and Austria.
This executive order makes sweeping changes to Civil Rights. This is the document that the EO is referencing 28 C.F.R. 42.104
Things that the regime hopes to do:
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Centralize Power by Eliminating Checks and Balances
- Meritocracy as a Smokescreen:
- By framing the order as "restoring meritocracy," the regime could dismantle diversity initiatives that promote independent oversight (e.g., civil rights offices, diversity committees).
- This weakens institutional resistance to authoritarianism by removing advocates for accountability.
- Loyalty Over Competence:
- In practice, "merit" could be redefined to prioritize political loyalty rather than objective qualifications.
- Federal agencies could be purged of dissenting voices and replaced with loyalists, as seen in historical fascist regimes (e.g., Nazi Germany’s Gleichschaltung—coordination of institutions under party control).
- Meritocracy as a Smokescreen:
-
Suppress Opposition and Marginalized Groups
- Roll Back Protections for Minorities:
- By eliminating race or gender-conscious policies, the regime could systematically exclude minority groups from federal employment and contracting.
- This aligns with fascist tactics of scapegoating certain demographics (e.g., Jews in Nazi Germany, immigrants in other regimes).
- Legalizing Discrimination:
- The changes to 28 CFR § 42.104 could make it harder to challenge discriminatory practices in court, as "affirmative action" remedies are restricted.
- This creates a legal veneer for exclusionary policies.
- Roll Back Protections for Minorities:
-
Control the Bureaucracy and Economy
- Patronage Networks:
- A fascist regime thrives on patronage—rewarding loyalists with jobs and contracts.
- By removing diversity requirements, the government could funnel contracts to politically connected allies (e.g., corporate supporters of the regime).
- Weaken Labor Protections:
- Merit-based hiring could be used to break unions or activist groups by labeling them as "non-merit" influences.
- This mirrors historical fascist suppression of labor movements (e.g., Mussolini’s corporatist state).
- Patronage Networks:
-
Propaganda and Ideological Control
- Manufacture a "Pure" National Identity:
- Fascist regimes often promote myths of national purity (e.g., Nazi "Aryan supremacy").
- The executive order could be spun as "ending divisive identity politics" and promoting a homogenized national workforce.
- Scapegoating "Elites" and "Diversity Advocates":
- The regime might frame diversity initiatives as corrupt or anti-American, rallying supporters against perceived enemies.
- This is a classic fascist tactic (e.g., Hitler’s attacks on "cultural Marxists").
- Manufacture a "Pure" National Identity:
-
Legal and Institutional Erosion
- Undermine the Rule of Law:
- The changes to 28 CFR § 42.104 weaken legal tools to fight discrimination, making it harder to prove systemic bias in court.
- By altering regulations like 28 CFR § 42.104, the regime could normalize executive overreach—gradually eroding legal protections.
- This paves the way for more extreme measures (e.g., suspending elections, militarizing law enforcement).
- Preventing Future Resistance:
- A workforce stripped of diversity and dissent is easier to control.
- This aligns with historical fascist strategies of eliminating opposition within institutions (e.g., Nazi purges of "disloyal" civil servants).
- Undermine the Rule of Law:
Comparison to Historical Fascist Regimes
- Nazi Germany (1930s):
- Hitler’s Civil Service Law (1933) banned Jews and political opponents from government jobs, framing it as "restoring professionalism."
- The Enabling Act (1933) allowed Hitler to bypass the legislature—similar to how executive orders can bypass Congress.
- Mussolini’s Italy (1920s-30s):
- The fascist syndicates replaced independent unions, ensuring loyalty to the state.
- The Acerbo Law (1923) rigged elections to guarantee fascist dominance.
https://en.m.wikipedia.org/wiki/Robber_baron_(industrialist)
photo: 1901 US cartoon from Puck depicting John D. Rockefeller as a business despot
